Monday, November 5, 2012

WEIMAR REPUBLIC

The Social Democrats, who early on gained control of Parliament through a series of alignment governments, was an otherwise centrist party that nevertheless adopted repressive policies which caused long-lasting societal scars. Specifically, party leading "hit keister at the protest movement with disproportionate force, when they ought to have time-tested to get to grips with the underlying reasons why the unrest had arisen in the offshoot place" (Mommsen 1997 253). Indeed, in January, 1919, the Social Democratic leadership overreacted to willing protests in Berlin, rushing in soldiery to crush the demonstrations by force. "This they did with a vengeance. In the process of being arrested and impris sensationd ? [radical] leaders Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg were brutally murdered" (Fulbrook 1991 28). In may of that year, an attempt to set up an independent Bavarian country was likewise crushed in an armed action that claimed close to one thousand lives. Elements of the radical left, which had considerable support at the time, never forgave the Social Democrats for either of these incidents.

A key Weimar fuss from the beginning - and for that matter throughout its brief run - was the harm of German society's elite groups to give it their support. Professionals, bureaucrats, farmers, the military, the churches all tended to view Weimar in particular, and democracy in general, as a foolish try out with little chance for success. The chaos that ensued before, duri


The year 1923 saw the Weimar regime reach its infamous and large monetary crisis in the form of monstrously out-of-control inflation. Once again, the cool it of the trouble lay in a decision by the Imperial government to finance the fight with bond gross revenue rather than tax hikes - investment in which left legion(predicate) German families destitute when Germany lost the fight and the bonds were worthless. The crisis slowly came to a head after January when France and Belgium, invoking their powers under the harsh terms of the Versailles Treaty, discrete to send a total of 100,000 troops to Germany's Ruhr valley to wield coal production.
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"The Germans responded with a policy of 'passive resistance,' ceasing economic production and refusing to get together with the occupation" (Fulbrook 1991 33). The need to then subsidize the Ruhr workers quickly became a major burden to the already-fragile German economy.

ng and after Weimar's root seemed to prove their point, as Germans seemed unable and unwilling to place saddle for their troubles more correctly on the just-ended war and the policies that drove it (Fulbrook 1991 10). For instance, "The boorish community had managed to preserve its privileged social position during the war ? [but afterward] its traditionally privileged status as a defend sector collapsed overnight" (Mommsen 1997 227) - and its state subsidies were cut off. Similarly, upper sum class members of the higher grades of civil service and other professionals tack together themselves impoverished and largely out of power after the war had ended. Thus, the new Weimar Republic provided a convenient target.

Exactly one week before the inflationary spiral peaked, the so-called Beer dormitory room Putsch of Munich took place. It was led by one Adolph Hitler. Government troops and local police quickly suppressed it, and it was of little meaning at the time. However, Hitler and his followers would reap national publicity from the shadowy attempt and the trial t
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